A portrait of military families in Canada from the 2021 Census

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Introduction

Military families have been recognized for the important role they play in supporting both military operations and its members.^Note  Family of military members, for example, may contribute to military members’ decisions about entering and staying in military service.^Note  They also face unique challenges. They can, for example, experience the stresses related to military operations or pressures that military members may face throughout their careers.^Note  This includes extended periods of separation if military members are deployed.^Note  Depending on their role, the health and physical safety of certain currently serving members may also be impacted in unique ways.^Note 

Relocations are also frequent among military families. Military families have been found to move three times more often than their civilian counterparts.^Note  Often relocations occur within a limited timeframe, requiring military families to quickly find new housing, new health care providers, and possibly new childcare and schools or employment.^Note  Relocations can also disrupt the careers of military spouses, possibly creating gaps in employment history, making it harder to find work in their chosen field or forcing them to take on a part-time job or shift work.^Note  Some may also face challenges in retaining or keeping their seniority and transferring their professional credentials across provinces.^Note 

For the first time in 50 years, the 2021 Census of Population collected information on current and previous military service in the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). This article uses this data to explore key sociodemographic characteristics of the families of currently serving members and Veterans aged 17 years and older^Note  (see the text box “What is a military family?” for more details). It also examines the education and select labour characteristics of spouses or partners of currently serving members to offer a glimpse into their experiences. For the analysis on spouses and partners, military spouses or partners are defined as persons with no military experience, and who were married or were in a common-law union with a person who was serving in the CAF in 2021.

This article adds to the discussion on the diversity and socio-demographic characteristics of both currently serving and Veteran populations by highlighting types of military families that are often less studied. This includes Veteran families, dual-serving couple families, one-parent military families and same-gender couple families. Such information offers a portrait of military families in Canada and can help encourage future research, as well as contribute to the development of policies, programs and services to better address their needs.

The main unit of analysis in this article is the census family. The military status of a family was derived from the military status of spouses, partners or parents. As a result, only couple families, with or without children, and one-parent families were included in the analysis. Where relevant, the age and gender composition of military members was examined given the higher share of men as military members and different age distribution of military family types.

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Veteran families made up the majority of military families in Canada

In 2021, there were 345,180 military families in Canada, accounting for 3.4% of all Canadian families. Veteran families made up most military families. Over eight in ten (84.5%) military families were Veteran families, while active military families made up 15.5% of military families in Canada.

The majority of Veteran families (87.6%) were couple families, where one spouse or partner was a Veteran and the other had no military experience. Another 6.0% were dual-Veteran couple families, while Veteran one-parent families accounted for 6.5% of all Veteran families.

Most active military families were couple families with one currently serving spouse or partner and the other with no military experience (74.1%). This was followed by couple families where both spouses or partners were currently serving (11.8%), and couple families, where one of the spouses or partners was currently serving and one was a Veteran (7.5%). Currently serving one-parent families accounted for 6.6% of active military families.

Military one-parent families were more often headed by men, unlike other one-parent families

Military one-parent families were more likely to be headed by men than other one-parent families. While most non-military one-parent families were headed by women (77.9%), more men were the heads of one-parent families among currently serving one-parent families (54.4%) and Veteran one-parent families (64.2%). The predominance of men heading military one-parent families may be related to the far greater share of men in the currently serving population (81.3%) and in the Veteran population (84.1%).

For most age groups, active military couples were less likely to be married in 2021 than non-military couples, while Veteran couples were the least likely to be married at all age groups

Overall, in 2021, active military couples (64.1%) were less often married, as opposed to being in a common-law union, than non-military couples (77.3%) and Veteran couples (79.0%).

When accounting for the different age structures of these populations however, the results showed that Veteran couples were the least likely to be married in all age groups, contrary to what was observed when looking at the population as a whole (Chart 1). The differences between the share of persons who were married in active military and non-military couples across all age groups were small. For each age group below 50 years, the share of persons in an active military couple who were married was at least 1.2 percentage points lower than those in a non-military couple. The largest difference was for those aged 35 to 39 years, where 68.6% of persons in active military couples were married, a proportion 4.8 percentage points lower than that of non-military couples (73.4%).

Active military couple families were overall more likely to have children aged 5 years and younger than non-military couple families, owing in large part to their younger age structure

Overall, in 2021, 3 in 10 active military couple families (30.0%) had children aged five years and younger, close to double the share of non-military couple families (15.9%) and four times the share of Veteran couple families (7.5%). These differences were related to the different age structure of the military and non-military populations. Among the population aged 17 years and older, the average age of currently serving members was 35.7 years, compared to 48.4 years for the non-military population and 60.0 years for the Veteran population. When analyzing the presence of children aged 5 years and younger by the age group of women in couples, the results were much more similar by military family type although some minor differences remained. (Chart A.1 in appendix section).

Stepfamilies with children were more common in military couple families than in non-military couple families

There was a higher share of stepfamilies^Note  among active military couple families (15.6%) with children (of any age) than among their non-military counterparts (11.5%). It was however among Veteran couple families living with children that the proportion of stepfamilies was highest (17.8%) (Chart 2).

Across both military and non-military couple families, simple stepfamilies were more common than complex stepfamilies. That said, complex stepfamilies were more common among active military couples (7.1%) than in Veteran couples (5.4%) and non-military couples (4.4%). Simple stepfamilies are families with no step or half-sibling and complex stepfamilies have at least one step or half-sibling.

Over half of persons in same-gender military couples were women

Among active military couples, in 2021, 1.6% were same-gender couples,^Note  higher than the share among non-military couples (1.2%) and Veteran couples (1.2%). This share was even higher among dual-serving couples (1.9%).

Among same-gender couples, active military couples were more likely to be composed of two women (53.4%) than Veteran couples (52.9%) and non-military couples (49.0%). Moreover, same-gender dual-serving couples were even more often composed of two women (67.3%), even though women represented less than one fifth of currently serving members (18.7%).

Military families were overrepresented in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick when compared to non-military families

The concentration of military personnel within certain geographical areas reflects their proximity to military bases, the same can be said for active military families. In 2021, active military families were more likely to live in Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Manitoba than non-military families. Of all active military families in Canada, more than one in ten (11.5%) lived in Nova Scotia (Table 1), home to two military bases. This is more than four times the share of non-military families (2.5%) in the province. Active military families were also three times (6.3%) more likely to live in New Brunswick, home to one military base, than non-military families (2.1%). A larger share of active military families (4.2%) compared to non-military families (3.5%) also lived in Manitoba, where two military bases are located.

However, active military families were underrepresented in most other provinces, when compared with non-military families. For example, 34.9% of active military families lived in Ontario, where there are six military bases and the National Defence Headquarters, compared with 38.9% of non-military families. The same is true in Quebec, British Columbia and Alberta, where the share of non-military families was higher than that of active military families (two military bases can be found in both Quebec and British Columbia, and three in Alberta).

The geographical distribution of Veteran families among provinces and territories was similar to that of active military families. Veteran families were also overrepresented in Nova Scotia (7.5%) and New Brunswick (4.6%), compared with non-military families (2.5% and 2.1%, respectively), but were underrepresented in most of other provinces.

More than one in ten active military families lived in the Ottawa-Gatineau region

Among the top 10 Census Metropolitan Areas (CMA) or Census Agglomerations (CA) with the highest proportion of active military families, half of them were in Ontario (Table 2). In Ontario, Ottawa-Gatineau, which houses the National Defence Headquarters, was the top CMA where over one in ten (11.1%) active military families lived. The proportion of military families in the Ottawa-Gatineau CMA was 2.4 percentage points higher than what was found among currently serving members not in a census family, making it a hub for military families. This CMA was followed by Toronto (3.6%), Kingston (3.6%) and Belleville-Quinte West (3.4%). Petawawa, which is home to one of the six military bases in Ontario, was the only CA in this top ten list. In 2021, 4.3% of active military families lived in Petawawa.

Halifax (8.2%), which is home to one military base, was the second-highest CMA where active military families lived, and the only CMA in the top ten list that was in the Maritimes. It was followed by the CMA of Québec (7.6%), which is home to one military base, and had a higher share of active military families than in Montreal (4.9%), the largest CMA in the province of Quebec.

The share of Veteran families in these same CMAs/CAs differed slightly. The share of Veterans in less populous CMAs/CAs, such as Halifax (3.9%) and Petawawa (0.3%), was lower than active military families (8.2% and 4.3% respectively). On the contrary, Montreal (7.8%) and Toronto (5.2%), had a higher share of Veterans than active military families (4.9% and 3.6% respectively). Overall, the share of Veteran families within the top ten CMAs/CAs for active military families tended to be in between what was observed for active military families and for non-military families. These findings might spark research into whether there is a relationship between where military personnel are stationed and where they reside once their service is completed.

Active military families had much higher interprovincial mobility than non-military families

In 2021, nearly half (48.0%) of persons in active military couples lived in a different city, town, township, village, municipality or Indian reserve within Canada than five years ago. This proportion is more than twice that of persons in a non-military couple (17.1%) and Veteran couples (18.1%) (Chart 3). This finding was expected as military personnel are often required to relocate on a recurring basis throughout their career. These relocations occur at the discretion of the Canadian Armed Forces in response to its organizational and operational needs.^Note 

A higher share of currently serving parents in one-parent families (36.4%) lived in a different city, than five years earlier, compared to parents in a one-parent family with no military experience (15.9%) and Veteran parents in one-parent families (18.8%).

In most cases, these relocations were intraprovincial, that is, within the same province or territory. However, a much larger share of persons in active military families compared to their non-military and Veteran counterparts moved interprovincially, that is, lived in a different province or territory in 2021 than in 2016. In 2021, 24.1% of persons in active military couples and 15.4% of currently serving parents in a one-parent family lived in a different province or territory than five years earlier. These proportions were significantly higher than what was observed for persons in a non-military (2.4%) or Veteran (4.0%) couple and for non-military (1.9%) or Veteran parents (4.0%) in a one-parent family.

Of active military couples, dual-serving couples had the highest share of persons living in a different province or territory than five years earlier. Specifically, in 2021, over one-third of persons in dual-serving couples (35.2%) lived in a different province or territory than five years earlier, and almost a quarter (23.6%) lived in a different city, within the same province or territory, than five years earlier.

Apart from operational requirements, age may also explain some of the trends observed for military families, as active military members tended to be younger. However, when comparing the currently serving population aged 17 to 60 years with the non-military population of the same age group, the higher mobility of active military families remained even though young people are more likely to move for school or employment.

Military families more often lived in a house and were less often in core housing need than their non-military counterparts

In 2021, active military couple families (84.8%) and Veteran couple families (82.5%) more often lived in a house (including single-detached house, semi-detached house, row house and other single attached house types) than non-military couple families (77.6%). While one-parent families overall were less likely to live in a house than those in couple families, currently serving one-parent families (77.8%) and Veteran one-parent families (74.0%) were more likely to live in a house than non-military one-parent families (66.2%)

Additionally, a lower proportion of military families than non-military families were in core housing need.^Note  In 2021, both active military couple families (0.9%) and Veteran couple families (1.9%) were two to four times less likely to be found in core housing need than non-military couple families (4.1%). Although one-parent families were much more often in core housing need than those in couple families, similar differences remained between the different types of military families; currently serving one-parent families (6.5%) and Veteran one-parent families (9.9%) were much less likely to be in core housing need than non-military one-parent families (16.6%).

These results remain valid even when accounting for the gender of the parents. For instance, non-military one-parent families headed by men (12.1%) were three times more likely to live in core housing need than currently serving one-parent families headed by men (4.0%). The same was true for one-parent families headed by women; non-military families (17.9%) were almost two times more likely to be in core housing need than their military counterparts (9.9%).

This smaller share of military families in core housing need than non-military families may be due to a combination of factors, such as the cost of living and location in an urban or a rural area or availability of military housing, that could prompt future analysis.

A higher share of military spouses or partners had a college degree as their highest level of education than those in non-military couples

In this and the following sections, military spouses or partners are defined as persons aged 17 and older,^Note  with no military experience, and who were married or were in a common-law union with a person who was serving in the Canadian Armed Forces in 2021. In 2021, there were approximately 39,635 military spouses or partners, of which over nine in ten were women (93.6%).

Military spouses or partners were well educated; 78.4% had a postsecondary degree compared to those in a non-military couple (65.2%). In 2021, almost eight in ten (78.8%) female military spouses or partners had credentials from a postsecondary institution compared to 65.8% of women in non-military couples (Table 3). A similar trend was observed for male military spouses or partners, although to a lesser extent.

Specifically, female military spouses or partners more often had a college, CEGEP or other non-university certificate or diploma (29.3%) than women in a non-military couple (22.9%). They also more often had a bachelor’s degree (29.0%) than their counterparts in non-military couples (21.9%). Male military spouses or partners more often had an apprenticeship or trades certificate or diploma (16.8%) or college diploma (23.2%) than their non-military counterparts (14.1% and 17.9% respectively).

A similar pattern was seen when looking at specific age groups. However, military spouses or partners were less likely to hold a bachelor’s degree and above as their highest level of education compared to those in non-military couples in most age groups (Chart A.2 in appendix section).^Note 

Female military spouses or partners had similar employment rates by age group to their non-military counterparts, while male military spouses or partners generally had lower employment rates

In 2021, the employment rate of female military spouses or partners (75.6%), aged 17 to 60^Note  years, was slightly higher than those in non-military couples (73.8%), while it was slightly lower for male military spouses or partners compared with their non-military counterparts (84.2% compared with 85.9%, respectively).

When the employment rate is examined by age group, the results show that the employment rate of female military spouses or partners mostly mirrored that of women in non-military couples (Chart 4). They were however more likely to be employed when aged 20 to 29 years than their non-military counterparts. Among men, spouses or partners in military couples generally had lower employment rates than those in non-military couples, with the exception of those aged 25 to 29 years. The employment rate for this age group was 90.9%, which also was the highest employment rate for male spouses or partners in military couples.

Female military spouses or partners were more likely to work in education, law and social, community and government services occupations and health occupations than those in non-military couples

The occupational^Note  profile of military and non-military spouses or partners differed slightly. In 2021, one quarter (25.0%) of female military spouses or partners, aged 17 to 60 years, were in education, law and social, community and government services occupations, in comparison to less than one fifth (19.3%) of their female counterparts in non-military couples (Table 4). For instance, female military spouses or partners were more often found working as elementary school and kindergarten teachers (4.4%) than their counterparts in non-military couples (3.6%). More female military spouses or partners (18.0%) than women in non-military couples (14.4%) were also found in health occupations, in particular, in the registered nurses or registered psychiatric nurses occupation, where 5.5% worked compared to 3.7% of their counterparts in non-military couples.

Among men, the occupational profile of military and non-military spouses or partners was quite similar. However, male spouses and partners in military couples were slightly more often in natural and applied sciences and related occupations (16.9%), and in education, law and social, community and government services occupations (11.6%) than their counterparts in non-military couples (14.4% and 8.2%, respectively).

Conclusion

This article examined key sociodemographic characteristics of the families of currently serving members and Veterans. It also presented a portrait of less studied military family types, such as one-parent families, Veteran families, same-gender couple families and dual-serving couple families.

The study highlighted some key differences between the composition of military families and that of non-military families. For example, stepfamilies with children were more common among military families than non-military families. More same-gender couples were also found among active military families than non-military families, especially couples composed of two women. Additionally, one-parent military families were more often headed by men than non-military families, which were more often headed by women.

It has also been found that Veteran families tended to follow the geographical distribution of active military families and that the mobility of active military families was high, particularly between provinces and territories. Compared to non-military families, military families were also found to more often live in a house and to be less often in core housing need. The different age distribution of military families and non-military families may have played a role in the differences observed. As a result, future studies on military families could benefit from using a multivariate approach that could account for age and other relevant characteristics.

This article also explored some education and labour force characteristics of spouses and partners of currently serving members. It has been found that female military spouses or partners more often held a postsecondary credential, than their non-military counterparts, and had similar employment rates. Among men, spouses or partners of currently serving members were also more likely to hold a postsecondary credential, than their non-military counterparts, especially at the college level. Their employment rate, however, was slightly lower. With the increased recognition given to military spouses or partners, future studies may focus specifically on this population and expand the scope to examine their income and other well-being indicators.

This article focused on the military status of spouses, partners and parents in census families and did not include other types of military families, such as families where children or grandparents may have had military service experience, military couple families living-apart-together or military families living in collective dwellings.^Note  Thus, future research on military families can build on this analysis and explore the characteristics of other types of military families.

Nor were the characteristics of children in military families studied. With a growing body of research on military children and their mental health,^Note  future studies on military families using census data could contribute to this discussion.

Studying military families in Canada was made possible because the 2021 Census included, for the first time in 50 years, a question on military service. The collection of this information has been timely, given the interest and importance to persons in the military and their families. Over time, as more data becomes available, researchers will be able to continue to improve our understanding of military families and thus help develop relevant policies, programs and services to better support them.

Nicolas Bastien and Catherine Tuey are analysts with Diversity and Sociocultural Statistics at Statistics Canada. The authors would like to thank all those who contributed to the development of the article, particularly those involved in data extraction, verification and reviews.